This book examines Puerto Rican women workers, both in Puerto Rico and on the U.S. mainland. It contains a range of information–historical, ethnographic, and statistical. The contributors provide insights into the effects of migration and unionization on women’s work, taking into account U.S. colonialism and globalization of capitalism throughout the century as well as the impact of Operation Bootstrap.

Official sources estimate that, in the case of sexual violence, only about 15 percent of rapes are reported. If the proportion is the same for domestic violence, approximately 130,000 women and girls are subjected to domestic violence every year, and 18,000 are raped, in a place with only 4 million people. Whatever the actual figures, violence at the hands of their partners and families is a serious problem for Puerto Rican women and girls. But more important, through this ruling the Puerto Rican Supreme Court is sending the message that some women may not deserve equal protection from the state. This is the wrong message to put forward in a society where interpersonal violence is a serious problem. In a decision handed down in March, the Court upheld a lower court’s ruling that a victim of intimate partner violence was not protected by Puerto Rico’s domestic violence law because she was not married to the man who attacked her.

However, only a few women were elected to Congress after gaining the right to vote. In 1976 the family law that prescribed possession of property by a couple etc. was amended. In 1988 a law was passed that prohibited sexual harassment, and in the 1989 a law that stated that domestic violence was criminal, was established. Puerto Rican feminists played an important role in these improvements in women’s social status. After the granting of woman suffrage, we had to wait until the 1970s for the next wave of lively feminism. This new energetic feminism didn’t appear suddenly, but emerged as result of a steady increase in women’s participation in society after obtaining woman suffrage. From the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th, the suffrage movement flourished in Puerto Rico also.

As part of her training, the student was told that any pregnant woman who came into the hospital for a delivery who had already had two or more children must have her tubes tied after giving birth. This was standard procedure, checked afterwards by another doctor to make sure that it was carried out.

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She’s also the organizer of a monthly queer drag party, House of De Show, and a recurring bazaar centering women, non-binary, and gender nonconforming creatives called Feministas to the Front. Three women died during the trials, and no autopsies were conducted. Haiti and Mexico, too—were intensely targeted https://bestlatinawomen.com/puerto-rican-women/ for testing the contraceptive Enovid. Poor, uneducated women were the primary guinea pigs of most testing pools. Rather than accept colonial practices as the cause of the surge in unemployment and poverty, the government blamed overpopulation, and touted mass sterilization as its solution.

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Her concerns include the wellbeing and safety of all women on the island. In two weeks, at least three women were killed and a trans woman attacked. Today, as the world’s oldest colony, Puerto Rico remains disenfranchised because its 3.1 million residents, despite most being American citizens, do not have voting representatives in Congress and cannot cast votes in presidential elections. The 20th-century chapter of women’s suffrage in Puerto Rico is a history lesson, but full enfranchisement for Puertorriqueñas remains a goal still incomplete, a story without its ending. Despite these restrictions, women who could pass literacy tests participated in their first major election in 1932. About 50,000 cast their ballots, and promptly elected women to city governments across the island, as well as María Luisa Arcelay, the first woman member of the Puerto Rican House of Representatives.

In later years, Pincus’s team would be accused of deceit, colonialism and the exploitation of poor women of color. The women had only been told that they were taking a drug that prevented pregnancy, not that this was a clinical trial, that the Pill was experimental or that there was a chance of potentially dangerous side effects.

In sum, the United States could point to Puerto Rico as a showcase for capitalism and democracy in the Caribbean at a time when Castro’s Cuba was undergoing its own dramatic political and economic transformations under Marxist-Leninist ideology. This also constitutes an important trend in literary works by Latin American, Afro-American and African Diaspora women’s writings. In general, the work of Sonia Fritz tends to be well crafted, and usually seeks internal consistency (portraits; linear histories). Thus, in LOS ESPEJOS DEL SILENCIO, the voice of the artist is uncontested and unquestioned. She is allowed to tell her own story and the filmmaker acts as “midwife” to the story, helping in the telling.

The Family Planning Association of Puerto Rico, another private organization, was established in 1954, two years after the Population, Council was formed in the United States by John D. Rockefeller. During the next ten years, according to Presser, it subsidized sterilization in private facilities for 8,000 women. This organization still functions today, and has an important role to play in the future, according to the November, 1973 report. Presently it receives $750,000.00 of its $900,000.00 budget from the federal Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Theories were circulating expressing the general idea that economic problems in underdeveloped countries were really problems of too many people; if only the population growth could be controlled, the standard of living would rise.

  • LA BATALLA DE VIEQUES significantly struggles against an abusive military and capitalist establishment by different social sectors of Vieques.
  • And the only granting of difference is not enough to account for the widespread Puerto Rican apathy to the Vieques struggle.
  • I have suggested there are various trends in Puerto Rican women film/video production when examined as a “body” of works.
  • But Pincus could have been jailed in Massachusetts if the real nature of his research was discovered.
  • This specific element of the maker’s formation accounts for a widespread practice of “film/video art,” on the margins of the commercial media world in Puerto Rico.
  • However, in this investigation, I have found that experimental narrative shorts are as prevalent as the documentaries.
  • But it is also, and equally significant, about how Puerto Ricans and Viequenses address these circumstances.
  • Finally, as mentioned earlier, it is very significant that a film which attempts to represent how a whole society is affected by the military presence, does not include a single woman’s voice.

A more comprehensive education on the subject of gender inequality at schools is necessary to raise a generation of feminist men and empowered women. Public agencies staffed with officials must take every case of domestic violence and every red flag seriously — be that with more women government officials, a more socially conscious school curriculum or stricter prosecution of abusers. If a state of emergency is declared, the government must do what it takes to guarantee a safe and equal society for women. List of famous Puerto Rican women with their biographies that include trivia, interesting facts, timeline and life history.

An ambiguous piece, one of the possible readings relates to the activist role of the artist in “breaking the walls” and liberating not only the political structures which oppress us but our own bodies from the constraints of reactionary politics and representation. The second seuuence of the piece is an elliptical narrative about the routine existence of a middle-class Puerto Rican woman (a “blonde”). The protagonist is bored with local television and decides to play a video showing two flamenco dancers.